America: More Than Just the Continent's Unwilling Partner, But a Foe Steeped in Right-Wing Thought

On the exact day Donald Trump received a tailor-made "peace prize" from his newest friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively short paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically modest claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of catastrophe and ruin."

Even though the document mostly codifies the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a grave warning for the world, and for the European continent in particular.

A Blueprint of Interference and Civilizational Fear

The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its rhetoric seems lifted directly from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." More worryingly, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and starker possibility of cultural extinction."

The entire section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European right-wing ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing strife, censorship of free expression and suppression of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to champion genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and past."

Foundational Ideas of the Right-Wing

These points carry strong overtones of two concepts regarded as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "perversion" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and dependent electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to reclaim their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

This is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will finally realize that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to respond appropriately.

Benjamin Jennings
Benjamin Jennings

Lena is a tech journalist and digital strategist with over a decade of experience covering emerging technologies and their impact on society.